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Perilous Power: The Middle East & U.S. Foreign Policy: Dialogues on Terror, Democracy, War, and Justice, by Noam Chomsky, Gilbert Achcar
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The volatile Middle East is the site of vast resources, profound passions, frequent crises, and long-standing conflicts, as well as a major source of international tensions and a key site of direct US intervention. Two of the most astute analysts of this part of the world are Noam Chomsky, the preeminent critic of U.S, foreign policy, and Gilbert Achcar, a leading specialist of the Middle East who lived in that region for many years. In their new book, Chomsky and Achcar bring a keen understanding of the internal dynamics of the Middle East and of the role of the United States, taking up all the key questions of interest to concerned citizens, including such topics as terrorism, fundamentalism, conspiracies, oil, democracy, self-determination, anti-Semitism, and anti-Arab racism, as well as the war in Afghanistan, the invasion and occupation of Iraq, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the sources of U.S. foreign policy. This book provides the best readable introduction for all who wish to understand the complex issues related to the Middle East from a perspective dedicated to peace and justice.
- Sales Rank: #168852 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Paradigm Publishers
- Published on: 2006-09-15
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.12" h x 1.13" w x 6.30" l, 1.23 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 288 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
From Publishers Weekly
This intriguing series of conversations between like-minded peers about America in the Middle East pairs dissident intellectual Chomsky with Achcar, who is less well known for critiques of U.S. foreign policy (Clash of Barbarisms). Drawing on deep historical background, they deconstruct Western assumptions about international politics: "Every state you can think of is based on violence, repression... the state system itself has no inherent legitimacy." While refreshingly careful to note when their conclusions aren't backed by rigorous documentation, both make broad assumptions about human behavior, while easily disregarding contradictions. For example they rely on opinion polls to indicate the desires of a given people (as opposed to the ruling elite), but reject the once-broad Palestinian support of the Oslo Peace Accords, for instance, because, as Chomsky says, the Palestinians "were just totally deluded." Similarly, they give little weight to nonrational influences—religiosity, fear—where these almost certainly played a key role in forming public opinion, such as in Arab disillusionment with secular nationalism or Israeli presumptions of anti-Semitism. Particularly in Chomsky's case, this can extend to an unfortunate contempt for those with whom he disagrees. Both men raise vital questions, but some readers may be alienated by the authors' often dismissive manner. (Nov.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
About the Author
Gilbert Achcar, who lived in Lebanon for many years before moving to France, now teaches politics and international relations at the University of Paris. He is the author of several books on contemporary politics and is a frequent contributor to Le Monde Diplomatique.
Noam Chomsky, M.I.T., is the author most recently of 9-11 (a national bestseller) and Middle East Illusions. His articles and books revolutionized the contemporary study of linguistics and his political essays are widely read and translated throughout the world. In 2003 a profile of Chomsky in The New Yorker described his influence as one of the most widely cited scholars in history.
Most helpful customer reviews
48 of 50 people found the following review helpful.
Timely analysis
By Malvin
"Periolous Power: The Middle East and U.S. Foreign Power" records a discussion and dialogue between Noam Chomsky and Gilbert Achcar about current events in the Middle East and the U.S. role in the region. Stephen R. Shalom explains in the Preface that the book is the product of several days of live, interactive discussions moderated by Mr. Shalom followed by review and editing of the transcripts by each participant. Consequently, the finished product has both a dynamic feel to it as Mr. Chomsky and Mr. Achcar interact with each other in interesting and sometimes unpredictable ways; and a scholarly dimension as the authors were provided the opportunity to clarify or expand on their comments after the taped sessions had ended. The end result is an exceptionally interesting, informative and timely analysis of U.S. foreign policy and the Middle East.
Mr. Chomsky and Mr. Achcar agree that U.S. interest in the Middle East primarily pertains to oil and control of the world economy; to that end, Israel is a close ally who allows the U.S. to project its power in the region. Mr. Chomsky insists that the threat of terror does not outweigh the imperative of controlling Middle Eastern oil; therefore, he charges that U.S. policy makers are taking an unnecessary calculated risk when choosing to deploy its military assets to the region. Rather, Mr. Chomsky believes that the threat of terror could be greatly reduced simply by withdrawing U.S. forces from Saudi Arabia, for example. Following a similar line of reasoning, the authors conclude elsewhere in the book that U.S. withdrawal from Iraq is a necessary prerequisite to ending the Sunni insurgency and creating a lasting peace.
The book offers many insights. For example, we learn that Middle Eastern democracy was undermined historically by the U.S. in order to prevent politically Left-leaning states from falling under the influence of the USSR. Today, Islamic fundamentalism fills a void as what little Arab nationalism had once existed has waned. However, the authors recognize that the rise of religious fundamentalism is a worldwide phenomenon that is connected with the ascendancy of neoliberal economics, meaning that U.S. and Israeli politics are negatively influenced by fundamentalists, too. Indeed, the increasingly dysfunctional democracies of the U.S. and Great Britain are cause for concern and cast little doubt that the purported mission of bringing democracy to the Middle East has been little more than a ruse.
In perhaps the strongest part of the book, the Israel-Palestine conflict is dealt with at length. Mr. Achcar argues for inclusive peace talks where the Palestinian diaspora is allowed an opportunity to be represented in the discussion and suggests that Jordan should be part of that state as well; for his part, Mr. Chomsky believes that a single state solution is indicated. The authors go on to talk about many complex and contentious issues, including Israeli settlements in Palestine, the separation wall, U.S. military aid to Israel, Palestinian and Israeli politics, anti-Arab racism in the U.S., and more. Throughout the discussion, the reader is impressed with the author's clear-eyed assessment of the situation; moreover, the vision of what they believe might be achieved through peaceful negotiation gives one hope that their ideas are accorded the merit they deserve.
I highly recommend this important book to everyone.
19 of 22 people found the following review helpful.
US terror
By Preston C. Enright
Chomsky does not say that the US should "accept" terrorist attacks as another reviewer suggests. Rather, Chomsky says the US should stop engaging in terrorism. The US has spent hundreds of billions of dollars developing weapons of mass destruction, and training all sorts of killers through our military camps and bases all over the world, places like the "School of the Americas" which has turned out some of Latin America's worst tyrants. We have proxy wars, special forces, and private mercenaries operating all over the world in the interests of corporatism. As General Smedley Butler said, war is a racket, and he was a "high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers."
Ann Coulter, Victor Davis Hansen, Hugh Hewitt and so many others very obediently avoid the fact of US violence against other people. They only speak in terms of the threats (blowback) our military superpower faces, never the actual harm it causes around the world. That's the "thought-crime" that Chomsky commits in book after book, he dares to suggest that the people of the US look themselves in the mirror.
For some more interviews with Chomsky, I'd recommend the website of Z Magazine.
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Simulating Discussion
By Chris
Chomsky dares to argue that while much of the charges the U.S. government makes against its foreign enemies regarding human rights violations, involvement in terrorism, etc. are valid, the United States itself is a leading sponsor of human rights violations and terrorism in the world. If the U.S. has the right to bomb Afghanistan for 911 should Venezuela and Cuba be allowed to bomb the United States because Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Cariles are being harbored in the U.S.? Should Sudan bomb the U.S. because Clinton's 1998 bombing destroyed the factory producing the majority of that country's medicine, an action which probably subsequently led to many thousands of deaths? Chomsky argues that the U.S. perhaps could have gotten Bin Laden from the Taliban if it taken seriously the latter's proposals for extradition processes. As before he continues to cite the New York Times articles after 911 reporting the angst of aid agencies about the drastic reduction of food aid deliveries during the U.S. bombing and the fact that the U.S. forced Musharaff to close his border with Afghanistan through which at least five million Afghanis depended to receive food and medicine. He seems reluctant to delve much deeper into the Afghanistan issue. I wish he would, like Michael Mandel in his recent book, quote from London Guardian and New York Times correspondents who cited such figures as 3000 and 20000 for deaths as a result of the cutoff of food aid in particular small areas of Afghanistan each surveyed.
Chomsky quotes former Reagan State Department official Thomas Carothers as explaining that the U.S. pushes for third world democratic governments when it is sure that a country's rich minority will retain real control. Hugo Chavez is the antithesis of this preference. The government of Turkey which is a military dictatorship with a democratic façade was threatened with sanctions by Colin Powell after its parliament complied with the wishes of 85 percent of Turkey's population and refused to participate in the U.S. war on Iraq. The Turkish military should have stepped in to overrule the parliament Paul Wolfowitz declared and ought to be thinking in the future how it could step up and be a team player for the Americans. Suddenly, Chomsky observes, articles started appearing in the U.S. press outlining Turkey's horrendous human rights violations against its Kurdish population in the 90's though never mentioning that Clinton provided the military aid for Turkey to do so.
Achcar is particularly interesting on the internal situation in key Arab countries, including on the meaningless cosmetic reforms that the U.S. backed dictatorships of Egypt and Saudi Arabia engaged in under U.S. pressure. He discusses how Paul Bremer tried to avoid elections throughout 2003, trying instead to impose a weak system of caucuses whose members he would appoint. But the protests led by Sistani forced him to give way to a significant extent.The U.S. gave massive aid to the former Ba'athist thug Alawi but he only got 15 percent of the vote. Subsequently ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad maneuvered with the Kurds to get Allawi's people some key decision making posts in the government. Allawi has since been snipping at the government and blaming it for the torture centers and death squads that were actually formed with the aid of U.S. advisors when he was interim leader. He notes that the Iraqi politicians who met in Egypt in late 2005 including President Jalal Talabani made sure to declare that there was a legitimate resistance to the U.S. occupation.
Chomsky notes that a look at a map of the 2000 Camp David proposal shows that it was fully consistent with Israeli policies since 1967 of stealing all the best Palestinian land and resources and creating settlement blocks that break up the territorial contiguity of the territories and leave Palestinians in isolated ghettos. He notes that a precedent for the recent destabilization of Hamas govt. has roots as reflected in recent documents released from the Eisenhower and Kennedy administration where officials explain that since the Cuban population is favorable towards Castro they would have to be punished by being starved by embargo in order to be induced to overthrow him.
Chomsky and Achcar note how Israel's kidnapping of Palestinian and Lebanese civilians and detaining them without charge and extracting confessions from them with torture has been ignored. He quotes General Shlomo Gazit's memoirs as lamenting that Israel rebuffed a proposal from Palestinian village leaders in the late 60's for some form of political and cultural autonomy. When Sadat proposed an agreement to Israeli in 1971 on terms no different from the Camp David Accords of 1979 Israel sent Arik Sharon into the Sinai to drive tens of thousands of Egyptians from their homes and into barbed wire camps so the all Jewish town of Yamit could be constructed.
Chomsky discusses such matters as -911 conspiracy theories, the nuclear standoff with Iran and the role of Jews in American life. He discusses with Achcar the movement to divest from Israel and expresses reservations about it and suggests how it could be of maximum effectiveness. He argues that the "Jewish" lobby suddenly arose after 1967 and has consisted most importantly of liberals and evangelical Christians who have many purposes, including supporting Israel as a bulwark against Arab nationalists and Islamic fundamentalists who don't follow U.S. orders. He notes that Israel really came up against U.S. imperial interests in 2000 and 2005; Israel wanted to sell advanced military equipment to the Chinese. Israel's weapons industry is a crucial part of its economy but Clinton and Bush said no and the lobby made no protest. In fact in the 05' case Pentagon officials would not meet with Israeli counterparts until the Knesset overturned the sale and the Israelis sent them a letter of abject apology.
I think he gives more than adequate answers in this book to the large number of people on the internet fuming about him being the "left gate-keeper" on 911 and Israel lobby issues.
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